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The
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The author is on a brief vacation in Venezuela and
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Asia
Times The United States and Western "bomb, bomb, bomb
Iran" crowd - hysteria running at fever pitch ahead of
Thursday's multilateral nuclear talks in Geneva - could do worse
than have a word with Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva.
Lula actually talked to Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad
face-to-face for over an hour on the sidelines of the United Nations
General Assembly last week. He invited Ahmadinejad to visit Brazil
in November. About the meeting, he went straight to the point,
"What I wish for Iran is what I always wanted for Brazil - a
peaceful, civilian nuclear program."
Lula is an island of common sense in an ocean of hysteria.
French President Nicolas Sarkozy publicly gave a December deadline
for Iran not to make a "tragic mistake", as in provoking
Armageddon. Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini reiterated the
Group of Eight was giving Iran only three more months.
United
States President
Barack Obama - now running three wars (Iraq and the AfPak combo) -
demanded that Iran (which is not at war with anybody) demonstrate
"its peaceful intentions or be held accountable to
international standards and international
law".
Israeli
Prime Minister
Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu announced to the UN, "the
greatest threat facing the
world today is the marriage between religious fundamentalism
and the weapons of mass destruction".
Impervious to irony, Netanyahu obviously forgot that Iran - like
Iraq in 2003 - has no weapons
of mass destruction (WMDs), according to the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Israel not only has WMDs, but still
refuses to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or allow
its weapons to be inspected, as Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan rushed to clarify. As for religious fundamentalism, Zionism
is more than a match to Iran's Shi'itism.
As if this was not hysteria enough, leaks in Britain revealed
that the head of M-I6 Sir John Scarlett and the head of Mossad Meir
Dagan may have established that Saudi
Arabia is ready to allow Israel to bomb Iran. The House of
Saud remained mute. But not the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC)
- which de facto controls Iran's missile program. They successfully
tested long-range Shahab-3 and Sajjil solid-fuel missiles with a
maximum range of 2,000 kilometers. Ergo, even more hysteria.
General Hoseyn Salami, commander of IRGC's air
force, told the IRINN TV network that Iran had a firm
"no first strike" policy in terms of a missile war with
Israel, and defended the tests as linked to the approaching
anniversary of the 1980 Iraqi attack on Iran - the beginning of a
horrible eight-year war that killed at least 250,000 Iranians. (The
US, by the way, supported in that war a character who later
personified the "new Hitler", Saddam Hussein.)
Now compare all this to the Western reaction to what's
happening this Thursday in Beijing on China's National Day parade
for the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of
China; an array of two types of surface-to-surface conventional
missiles, a new land-based cruise
missile, surface-to-surface intermediate and long-range
missiles that could carry nuclear warheads, and nuclear
intercontinental missiles will all be shown off in an asphalt
catwalk. Not a peep from the West. It's as if this was part of
Beijing Fashion Week.
A non-secret secret
The all-out hysteria reaches ludicrous overtones when it
comes to the disinformation campaign around the now iconic Iranian
back-up nuclear enrichment plant, built at the base of a mountain
inside an ultra-protected underground facility controlled by the
IRGC some 30 kilometers northeast of the holy city of Qom. The
plant was built with heavily reinforced concrete and is about
the size of a football field, enough to hold 3,000 uranium-refining
centrifuges.
The site was duly reported by Tehran in a letter to the IAEA,
according to the rules this is done six months before a site becomes
operational. Iranian Vice President Ali Akbar Salehi, also the head
of Iran's nuclear program, has stressed there was never anything
"secret" about the
plant; and justified its construction
because of "threats" against Iran.
Ahmadinejad - an engineer - for his part stressed the
plant would only be operational in 18 months. And it will be
open to IAEA inspections according to a timetable already being
discussed. This is the bottom line: if the IAEA inspects, there's no
way the
plant will churn out nuclear weapons.
From Tehran's point of view, this all makes sense; a back-up
plant protected by the IRGC near Qom is a given after the George W
Bush administration and Israel have repeatedly threatened to bomb
Iran. Location is everything; imagine Israel bombing the outskirts
of Qom. It's as if the Pentagon bombed the Vatican.
As for Washington, it might have known about this
"secret" plant during the George W Bush administration -
as those usual suspects, "senior officials", confirmed to
US corporate media. But that raises the question: why did Israel and
the US not expose it when it was "secret", that is, still
not reported to the IAEA?
Anyway, what remains excluded from the hysteria-saturated
news cycle is that the new not-so-secret plant will not enrich
uranium beyond 5% - the suitable level in a civilian energy program.
A nuclear weapon demands 90% enrichment. The
plant will not produce uranium hexaflouride, or UF6, which is
used for enrichment. The bottom line, once again; the Qom backup
plant changes nothing in terms of Iran's nuclear program as
recognized by the IAEA.
Talk first, bomb later
And that brings us back to Lula. Brazil, just like Iran, is a
signatory of the NPT. Just like Iran, it is enriching uranium. Just
like Iran, it does not allow unlimited, invasive IAEA inspections.
And just like Iran, it has in the past kept some aspects of its
nuclear technology "secret".
Brazil enriches uranium to less than 5%, as part of its $1
billion nuclear industry, which will invest on seven new atomic
plants to diversify the country's consumption of oil and
hydroelectric power. Brazil plans to start exporting enriched
uranium before 2014. Brazilian centrifuges could be used to produce
highly enriched uranium. But that's a matter of political will. The
letter of the Brazilian constitution effectively forbids the
building of nuclear weapons.
In Iran the situation is actually similar. Both the founder
of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and current
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei have made it very clear that
nuclear weapons are against Islam.
Obviously, the US State Department will always dismiss any
comparisons between Tehran and Brasilia. After all, Brazil is a
Western-style democracy and Iran is now, after the last presidential
elections, a military dictatorship of the mullahtariat. Brazil may
be a natural leader in South America, but it's not threatening
anybody; while Iran, a regional leader, threatens Israel's
"secret" nuclear hegemony in the Middle East. But in both
Iran's and Brazil's case, the heart of the matter is the same:
running a successful nuclear program is, above all, a question of
national pride.
Sanctions cannot possibly work. And once again the current
hysteria glaringly shows how, when it comes to Iran, double
standards rule.
Washington was forced to admit sanctions did not work with
the dictatorship in Myanmar. Now Washington wants to talk. Sanctions
will not work on Iran either. It's ridiculous, for instance, to
imagine Iraq joining a Western-enforced gasoline embargo on Iran.
Besides, Persians are too proud and loaded with too much history to
succumb to threats.
Israel, sundry Sunni Arab puppet rulers and dictators, the
pathetic American right and the European right, these all fear
Iran's regional clout and want to bring the regime down. The nuclear
dossier could not be a more convenient cover story for regime
change.
As much as the
military dictatorship of the mullahtariat may be distasteful
for the world and for a lot of Iranian citizens, the end does not
justify the means. And the means won't lead to the desired end, as
an attack on Iran will make the whole population rally behind the
regime. Something is profoundly rotten in the so-called
"international community"
kingdom - minus Russia and China, by the way - when it lets global
policy be determined by someone like Netanyahu.
Obama and Lula meet this Friday in Copenhagen to see whether
Chicago or Rio will win the race to host the 2016 Olympic Summer
Games. The chemistry between them is excellent. Obama could do worse
than check up on Lula on his face-to-face meeting with Ahmadinejad.
But
as it stands, it's more like the "international community"
is being led in an Olympic race to bomb Iran.
Now
this just simply could not be made up in that Frankenstein
laboratory where the cuckoos on the right wing cook up their witches
brew of batshit crazy allegations to levy against Barack Obama.
There are scores upon scores of issues where Obama should be rightly
taken to task for continuing Bush-era "war on terror"
policies, preemptively immunizing torturers, refusing to fight for
Single Payer health care, hiring a team of hawks and neoliberal
crooks to manage foreign policy and the economy, among many many
others. At the same time, there are racist astroturf loons that
appear to have recently landed on earth from planet Fiction and are
navigating their way through the country, speaking in tongues, led
by snakeoil salesmen like Glenn Beck.
But
the headline in today's Wall Street JournalOp-Ed
by former senior White House advisor Karl Rove is in a category all
its own: "Obama Can't Outsource Afghanistan." The article
is ostensibly about how Obama is delegating decision making on
everything from Afghanistan to the CIA/torture investigation to
others:
Mr.
Obama's hands-off approach to the war seems to fit his governing
style. Over the past year, he outsourced writing the stimulus
package to House Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey,
washed his hands of Attorney General Eric Holder's decision to
reinvestigate CIA interrogators, and hasn't offered a detailed
health-care plan.
Um,
excuse me Karl, how about outsourcing an entire war to politically
connected war companies? Remember those eight years? While Rove may
be using the term "outsource" in a general way, let's
remember this fact: never, ever in US history have more government
and military activities been outsourced to private corporations than
they were the day Bush and Rove left 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue and
Obama moved in. For Rove-or any Bush-era official-to have the
audacity to blast anyone for outsourcing anything is like a
bigger-scale version of Republican Senator David Vitter lecturing
the losers exiting Scores "gentlemen's club" about the
moral evils of prostitution.
The
real article that should come below a headline "Obama Can't
Outsource Afghanistan" would never be written by Rove. Such an
article would denounce the actual scandal of Obama's continuation of
the Bush-Cheney-Rove policy of radically outsourcing the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq to corporate criminals like Armor Group,
DynCorp, Blackwater, KBR, Triple Canopy, Lockheed Martin and many,
many others.
WASHINGTON
—
If you doubt that U.S. banks long to return to the days of impotent
regulation, you need only look at one of the financial sector's top
legislative priorities: killing a proposed new agency that would be
dedicated solely to protecting consumers' financial interests.
The
Obama administration is asking Congress to create a new Consumer
Financial Protection Agency to regulate consumer financial products
ranging from credit cards to mortgages, and to simplify disclosure
about them all.
Though
virtually every cause of the nation's recent financial crisis was
rooted in weak consumer protection, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce is
leading the fight against the proposed agency on grounds that it
would make credit less available and more costly. The American
Bankers Association, the Independent Community Bankers of America,
and the Financial Services Roundtable also oppose the measure.
"We
have no argument that regulation failed. Consumer protection is just
one of the many areas where it fell down," said David
Hirschmann, the president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce's Center
for Capital Markets, which opposes the panel. "It just simply
adds a new layer of regulation without fixing . . . our outdated,
broken regulatory structure that was a contributing factor in our
crisis."
The
Chamber said it's spending about $2 million on ads, educational
efforts and a grassroots campaign to kill the agency. It said that
the grassroots effort has led to more than 23,000 letters sent to
Congress to date.
The
Center for Responsive Politics said that for the 2010 election
cycle, commercial banks have donated almost $3.7 million to
lawmakers —
54 percent of it to Republicans. Companies that provide credit have
given about $1.4 million, 59 percent to Democrats. Mortgage bankers
and brokers have given $581,423.
"Maybe
instead of making government BIGGER, we should focus on making
government BETTER," reads one Chamber ad.
The
Chamber warns that the agency could morph into a monster regulator.
"If
you look at this actual bill, the powers are so broad and so
ill-defined that the scope of who is covered is incredible. They've
managed to create a proposed new regulator for anyone who directly
or indirectly provides credit to consumers," Hirschmann said.
"If you allow people to give gift cards for your store . . .
you've got a new regulator. It's amazingly broad in scope, scale and
power."
The
administration scoffs at those charges.
"Contrary
to some advertisements you may have seen, we have no desire to
interfere with Main Street retailers' ability to provide credit to
their customers. That argument is to the financial regulation debate
what the Death Panel argument is to the health insurance
debate," Lawrence Summers, the chief economic adviser to
President Barack Obama, said in a recent speech. "We have
become convinced that it is essential that consumer financial
regulation be carried on by an independent body whose mandate is
uniquely and exclusively consumer and investor protection."
Until
the current crisis, responsibility for these consumer protections
fell to several separate regulators, who made consumer protection
subservient to their core mission of regulating institutions for
safety and soundness.
Predatory
lending and no-documentation loans helped spawn the housing crisis.
Weak oversight by federal regulators allowed mortgage bonds to be
sold to investors as the safest of investments when they were far
from it.
When
economic times got tough last year, banks began padding their
balance sheets by socking surprised consumers with new credit card
fees that were hidden in contractual fine print.
"In
practice, nobody really took it seriously. . . . I think clearly you
have had a lot of abuses, and whatever was on the books wasn't being
enforced," said Morris Goldstein, a former top official at the
International Monetary Fund and a researcher for the Peterson
Institute of International Economics. "I think it makes sense
to try to wrap it together and give someone the responsibility to
deal with the great bulk of it."
Opponents
have suggested that the new agency could impede the way businesses
operate, but that concern is rejected by Elizabeth Warren, a Harvard
University law professor who's long championed creation of such a
regulator. Separately, Warren leads a congressional panel that
monitors the Treasury Department's bank bailout program.
"The
CFPA will provide real oversight over financial institutions and
create some basic safety standards. This will make it safer for your
local butcher to take out a mortgage or a credit card, but the CFPA
is not going to regulate the way he carries out his business,"
she told McClatchy, referring to a Chamber ad that suggests even
local butcher shops would be regulated.
Rep.
Barney Frank, D-Mass., the chairman of the House of Representatives'
Financial Services Committee, said Tuesday that he intends to exempt
most non-financial businesses from oversight by the new agency. At a
congressional hearing on Wednesday, the Chamber's Hirschmann said
that while he appreciated Frank's modifications, the Chamber still
opposes the bill.
Some
leading Republicans are siding with the banks.
"Is
the proper role of the government to limit consumer choice?"
Alabama Rep. Spencer Bachus, the senior Republican on the Financial
Services panel, asked Assistant Treasury Secretary Michel Barr
during a hearing this month.
Barr,
who as a former professor helped create the concept of a consumer
financial protection agency, responded that by requiring clear and
simple information for consumers, the agency would help them make
better informed choices.
"It
doesn't limit choice," Barr said.
Some
Democrats, such as New York Rep. Nydia Velazquez, who heads the
House committee on small business, are concerned about the bill's
potentially broad sweep. In a statement to McClatchy, she warned
that, "if these proposals are not crafted correctly, they could
ensnare small businesses we don't think of as financial
institutions. In addition, we need to consider how new regulations
will impact small firms in the financial sector, like community
banks and credit unions."
The
proposed agency appears to have broad Democratic support in the
House of Representatives. In the Senate, which has been slower to
deal with financial regulation, support is harder to gauge.
Sen.
Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., the chairman of the Banking Committee,
has voiced support for the idea, but he's breaking with the
administration and the House by proposing to consolidate half a
dozen bank regulators into a single unified agency. A consumer
protection agency could be folded into it, or it could be separate.
Advocacy
groups say that the financial sector's opposition underscores the
need to act.
"I
don't see why people don't understand that this should be a measure
of why to pass it," said Barbara Roper, the director of
investor relations for the Consumer Federation of America. "If
you assume, as I do, that they fear anything that threatens the way
they do their business, their ability to profit through the abuse of
their customers, then this (legislation) should be taken
seriously."
In
this environment, J.P. Morgan Chase and Bank of America announced
this week that they'd modify their overdraft fee policies.
Editor’s
note; This specific conversation record appeared in the September 30
edition of the Slaughterhouse Informer and has received such a
positive reaction that it is being reprinted here with permission.
On October 8th, 2000, Robert Trumbull Crowley, once a leader
of the CIA’s Clandestine Operations Division, died in a Washington
hospital of heart failure and the end effects of Alzheimer’s
Disease. Before the late Assistant Director Crowley was cold, Joseph
Trento, a writer of light-weight books on the CIA, descended on
Crowley’s widow, Emily, at her town house on Cathedral Hill Drive
in Washington and hauled away over fifty boxes of Crowley’s files.
Once Trento had his new find secure in his house in Front
Royal, Virginia, he called a well-known Washington “fix” lawyer
with the news of his success in securing what the CIA had always
considered to be a potential major embarrassment. Three months
before, July 20th of that year, retired Marine Corps
colonel William R. Corson, an associate of Crowley in publishing
ventures, died of emphysema and lung cancer in Bethedsa, Md.
After Corson’s death, Trento and the well-known Washington
“fix’ lawyer went to Corson’s bank, got into his safe deposit
box and removed a manuscript entitled ‘ZIPPER.’ This manuscript,
which dealt with Crowley’s involvement in the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy, vanished into a CIA burn bag and the
matter was then considered to be closed forever.
The small group of CIA officials gathered at Trento’s house
to search through the Crowley papers, looking for documents that
must never become public matters. A very few were found but, to
their growing consternation, a significant number of specific files
and papers Crowley was know to have had in his possession had simply
vanished.
When a book, entitled ‘Regicide’ by author Gregory
Douglas, concerning the CIA’s actions against Kennedy, became
public in 2002, it was discovered, to the CIA’s mounting horror,
that the missing documents had been sent by an increasingly erratic
Crowley to Douglas and these missing papers included devastating
material on the CIA’s activities in South East Asis, to include:
drug running, money laundering and the maintenance of the notorious
‘Regional Interrogation Centers’ in Viet Nam and, worse still,
the ZIPPER files which clearly proved the CIA’s active
organization and participation in the assassination of President
John Kennedy.
A massive and preemptive disinformation campaign was quickly
readied, using government-friendly bloggers, CIS-paid
“historians” and others, in the event that anything from this
file ever surfaced. The best-laid plans often go astray and in this
case, one of the compliant historians, a former government librarian
at the National Archives who fancied himself as a serious historical
writer, began to tell his friends about the CIA plan to kill Kennedy
and eventually, work of this began to leak out into the outside and
unknowing world.
The original files had vanished and an extensive search was
conducted by the FBI and CIA operatives but without success.
Crowley’s survivors, his aged wife and son, were extensively
interviewed by the FBI and instructed to minimize any discussion of
any highly damaging CIA files that Crowley might have had and which
he had illegally removed from Langley when he retired. Crowley had
been a close friend of James Jesus Angleton, the CIA’s notorious
head of Counterintelligence. When Angleton was sacked by DCI William
Colby in December of 1974, Crowley and Angleton conspired to
secretly remove Angleton’s most sensitive secret files out of the
agency. Crowley did the same thing, right before his own retirement,
secretly removing thousands of pages of classified information that
covered his entire career with the CIA.
Known as “The Crow” within the agency, Robert T. Crowley
joined the CIA at ist inception in 1948 and spent his entire career
in the Directorate of Plans, also known as the “Department of
Dirty Tricks,” Crowley was one of the tallest men ever to work at
the CIA. Born in 1924 and raised in Chicago, where his father was a
member of the local political machine, Crowley grew to six and a
half feet when he entered the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in
New York, as a cadet in 1943 in the Class of 1946. He never
graduated, having enlisted in the Army, serving in the Pacific
during World War II. He retired from the Army Reserve in 1986 with
the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. According to a book he authored with
his friend and colleague, William Corson, Crowley’s career
included service in military intelligence and Naval Intelligence,before joining the CIA at its inception in 1947-48. His
entire career at the agency was spent within the Directorate of
Plans in covert operations and Crowley was the CIA’s main contact
with major American business and media interests. Before his
retirement, Bob Crowley became Assistant Deputy Director for
Operations, the second-in-command in the Clandestine Directorate of
Operations.
Crowley’s real expertise within the agency was the Soviet
KGB. One of his main jobs throughout his career was acting as the
agency liaison with corporations like ITT, which the CIA often used
as fronts for moving large amounts of cash off their books. He was
deeply involved in the efforts by the U.S. to overthrow the
democratically-elected government of Salvador Allende in Chili,
which eventually got him into legal problems with regard to
investigations of the U.S. government’s grand jury where he
perjured himself in an agency cover-up in their murder of Allende.
After his retirement, Crowley began to search for someone who
might be able to write a competent history of his career. His first
choice fell on British author John Costello, (author of Ten Days to
Destiny, The Pacific War) but, discovering that Costello was a very
aggressive homosexual, he dropped him and tentatively turned to
Joseph Trento who had assisted Crowley and William Corson in writing
a book on the KGB. When Crowley discovered that Trento had an
ambiguous and probably cooperative relationship with the CIA, he
began to distrust him and continued his search for another author
Bob Crowley first contacted Gregory Douglas in 1993, when he
found out from John Costello that Douglas was about to publish his
first book on Heinrich Mueller, the former head of the German
Gestapo who had become a secret, long-time asset to the CIA. Crowley
contacted Douglas and they began a series of long, and often very
informative, telephone conversations that spanned four years. In
1996, Crowley told Douglas that he believed him to be the person
that should ultimately tell Crowley’s story but only after
Crowley’s death. Douglas, for his part, became so entranced with
some of the material that Crowley began to sharer with him that he
secretly began to record their conversations, later transcribing
them word for work, planning to incorporate some, or all, of the
material in later publications.
In 1998, when Crowley was slated to go into the hospital for
exploratory surgery for possible lung cancer, he had his son, Greg,
ship two large foot lockers of documents to Douglas, with the caveat
that they were not to be opened until after Crowley’s death. These
documents totaled an astonishing 17,000 pages of CIA classified
files involving many covert CIA operations, both foreign and
domestic, during the Cold War.
After Crowley’s death in 200 and Trento’s raid on the
Crowley files, huge gaps were subsequently discovered by horrified
CIA officials and when Crowley’s friendsmentioned Gregory Douglas, it was discovered that Crowley’s
son had been shipping large boxes to Douglas. No one at Langley knew
their contents but because Douglas was viewed as an uncontrollable
loose cannon whose earlier writings had done considerable damage to
the CIA’s reputation by his on-going publication of the history of
‘Gestapo’ Mueller, they bent every effort both to identify the
missing files and make some effort, legal or extra-legal to retrieve
them before Douglas made any public use of them.
They resorted to fake publication offers to Douglas which
only resulted in the CIA’s losing very large sums ofmoney as Douglas proved to be very adept at contract law. In
one case, the CIA has persuaded friendly persons in Germany’s ZDF
national television to fake a contract for papers on Mueller. A very
large sum was agreed upon. What all of them were looking for were
any CIA documents or any official papers that linked Mueller with
his life in the United States or his connection with the CIA. The
contract was so badly worded that it ended up in a Federal lawsuit
by Douglas against the Germans, a case Douglas won easily. For a
very large sum of money, the Germans, and the CIA, got over 17,000
pages of documents relating to Mueller but unfortunately for the
CIA, the documents were all copied in the U.S. National Archives and
the German paid slightly less than $100,000 for documents readily
available to the public for less than $200!
These many transcribed conversations are relatively short
because Crowley was a man who tired easily but they make excellent
reading. There is an interesting admixture of shocking revelations
on the part of the CIA official and often very rampant anti-social
(and very entertaining) activities on the part of Douglas, but
readers of this new and on-going series are gently reminded that one
ought to always look for the truth in the jest!
Conversation
106
Date:
Monday, September 15, 1997
Commenced:
1:38 PM CST
Concluded:
1:55 PM CST
RTC:
Good morning, Gregory. Did you, by any chance, get the packet I sent
you?
GD:
The one on weird conspiracy crap?
RTC: Yes, the same.
GD:
I did and I am still laughing. My God, when Reagan closed the nut
houses in California, these things really took off. Actually, to be
fair, that sort of lunacy has been around for years. But how the CIA
could get tied up with some of them boggles the imagination.
RTC:
Well, there were indeed very strange people in our ranks, I’ll
grant you that. We had Gottleib, Cameron and other odd ones. The
Swann person was another one. You know, the Remote Viewing insanity.
GD:
Oh yes, indeed. I lived near SRI in Menlo Park and I heard
hysterically funny stories about this at the time. Leaving the
astral body to float around in space and then down to old Mother
Russia to slip into the KGB headquarters to spy on the workings. Or
float off to China to see what Mao was doing. The thought that
taxpayer’s money went into such things is really not very funny.
Tell me, although I only saw a brief mention of it, were you tied up
with the Scientology nutties? The planet Xenu? The bringing of the
Thetan master race to Montana by DC3s? Jesus, I know Hubbard spent
some time in a ‘Frisco nut house but how, or I mean why, do sane
people believe such shit?
RTC:
From a poor, very bad science fiction writer to cult leader is quite
a step but L. Ron made it.
GD:
My God, I know about him and I met some of his drooling acolytes
once. And had to listen to hours of psycho-babble about being clear
or their fake emeters. All they do is rope in rich fools and skin
them to the bone. But please tell me the CIA wasn’t tied up with
these nutties.
RTC:
No, Hubbard hated us. We were asked by DoS to investigate him when
he was running all over the Med, getting the police of various
countries after him. We concluded that all of them were crazy as
hell and that Hubbard was either an inspired paranoid idiot or a
total fraud. I rather suspect he was both. I hear he got so crazy
out in California that his people killed him.
GD:
I have heard the same. And cremated him and dumped the ashes into
the ocean off the stern of an old sardine boat. Well, now Lafayette
is up on Xenu, running the pay toilets in the Imperial Palace there.
God, I thought that once we got rid of the Christian Scientists, the
fake churches were done for.
RTC:
Well, Gottleib was crazy and Cameron was crazier what with their
experiments but at least Hubbard had a run for everyone’s money
and enjoyed lots of teen-aged pussy before they offed him. Gottleib
fucked goats and we had to off Cameron for everyone’s welfare. No,
we had nothing to do with the Hubbard business.
GD:
Ah, but you did get into the Remote Viewing business. Did you do
crystals too?
RTC:
What?
GD: No, just some New Age nonsense. I know if I had an out of body
experience, I would want to visit the girl’s gym shower room at a
local high school. Not too young and before the bodies turn to
rubber and the tits topple. High school girls were OK for Hubbard to
play stink finger with but they really aren’t too smart. Some of
them are nice to look at, though. Go to any beach, Robert, and look
at the flab and sag. Oh, and men too. Must be democratic here. Guys
get sagging tits and jelly bellies as well. But in the old days,
young people kept their shapes longer but now, they bag, sag and
drag at ten or eleven.
RTC:
(Laughter) We all get there, Gregory.
GD:
Yes, we do but I would rather look at the cat box than the blubber
guts strutting their stuff. Ah, well, so much for Remote Viewing.
RTC:
Mr. Swann conned some of our less intelligent people out of
millions.
GD:
Maybe they can start their own church, Robert. Like Hubbard, the
ebox king. Former Xenu Imperial Chancellor. Oh, and don’t forget
the Illuminati. Robert, they rule the world now. Tens of thousands
of them wearing soiled underwear, sitting in their own dung at their
underground headquarters in Des Moines and controlling the world.
And the New World Order! Robert, we are both getting old so maybe
the Order will give birth after we are gone. Isn’t it amazing, the
hysterically funny fictions that bipeds actually believe? The Easter
Bunny now has become legend. I look for a Book of the Bunny any day
now and frantic worshippers holding Bunny Meets on high school
football fields, buck naked and jumping up and down. My God, what a
disgusting image. And the Remote Viewing people can all gather in
the stands and soil themselves in sexual frenzies while caressing
their crystals and smoking pot. Malthus had the right idea but why
do we have to wait? How about starting a plague somewhere and
getting rid of the nutties in the process?
RTC:
Utterly futile, Gregory. When the human race regenerated, the types
would emerge again.
GD:
Yes, along with piles and chronic skin diseases. I had to listen to
more unadulteratedcrap
back in the ’70s that you can imagine and the Remote Viewing and
Scientology shit fits right in with bong dreams.
RTC:
Bong?
GD: A water pipe for smoking hash. But most of these lunatics
don’t need drugs to hallucinate. Imagine Thetans, or superior
people, and by that, I mean those who have read the really terrible
Hubbard sci-fi stories, Thetans are flown to this planet on DC3s. Of
course space is a vacuum so no plane could fly between here and Xenu.
And where, pray tell, is Xenu? Somewhere in the Cornflakes galaxy,
right near the planet Vulva. And if you pay the Scientologists
enough money, they’ll suddenly discover you are a Thetan and get
to the head of the contributing class. Oh well, just because the CIA
went for the out of body nonsense is no reason to link it with the
Hubbard freaks. I shouldn’t have even brought it up. Dealing with
fatties and space cases is so debilitating. And then we can
contemplate getting it on with an epileptic whore. Just as
enlightening and thrilling.
RTC:
Well, I sent you what I had on all of that.
GD:
And I thank you but if I tried to get any of it published, they’d
lock me up in a rubber room. You know it’s true and I believe
it’s true but I doubt if normal people would believe a word of it.
Listen, let’s send Corson to Xenu! Great! He could tell them he
was an American field marshal and take over the Xenuvian army and
invade Mars next month. Bill would have a wonderful time out at the
L. Ron Hubbard Theme Park where all the Thetans love to visit.
Enough, enough. I ought to get back to throwing roofing nails out on
the freeway and watching the accidents.
(Concluded
at 1:55PM CST)
The
Afghan Death Toll: October 20094
October
1, 2009
by
Brian Harring
October
1, 2009
The
Department of Defense announced today the death of a soldier who was
supporting Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Spc. Ross E. Vogel, III, 27, of Red Lion, Pa., died Sept.
29 in Kut, Iraq, of injuries suffered from a non-combat related
incident.He was
assigned to the 67th Signal Battalion, 35th Signal Brigade, Fort
Gordon, Ga.
The
circumstances surrounding the incident are under investigation.
The Department of Defense announced today the death of a
soldier who was supporting Operation Enduring Freedom.
Staff Sgt. Alex French IV,
31, of Milledgeville, Ga., died Sept. 30 in Kwhost, Afghanistan, of
wounds suffered when enemy forces attacked his unit using an
improvised-explosive device. He was assigned to the 1st
Battalion, 121st Infantry Regiment, Lawrenceville, Ga.
The Department of
Defense announced today the death of two soldiers who were
supporting Operation Enduring Freedom.They died Sept. 29 in Jolo Island, the Philippines, from the
detonation of an improvised-explosive device.The soldiers were assigned to the 3rd Battalion, 1st Special
Forces Group, Fort Lewis, Wash.
Killed were:
Sgt. 1st Class Christopher D. Shaw, 37, of Markham,
Ill.
Staff Sgt. Jack M. Martin III, 26, of Bethany, Okla.
Celebrating
its 60th birthday this year, NATO is looking peaked and
significantly worse for wear. Aggressive and ineffectual, the
organization shows signs of premature senility. Despite the smiles
and reassuring rhetoric at its annual summits, its internal politics
have become fractious to the point of dysfunction. Perhaps like any
sexagenarian in this age of health-care crises and economic malaise,
the transatlantic alliance is simply anxious about its future.
Frankly,
it should be.
The
painful truth is that NATO may be suffering from a terminal illness.
Its current mission in Afghanistan, the alliance's most significant
and far-flung muscle-flexing to date, might be its last. Afghanistan
has been the graveyard of many an imperial power from the ancient
Macedonians to the Soviets. It now seems to be eyeing its next
victim.
For
NATO, this year should have been a celebration, not a dirge. After
suffering a transatlantic rift of epic proportions during the Bush
years, the alliance thrilled to the election of Barack Obama and his
politics of conciliation. The new American administration swore it
would shift troops from Iraq to Afghanistan to give NATO more of
what it wanted to fight "the right war." Vice President
Joe Biden and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton both promised to
push the "reset button" on U.S.-Russian relations,
potentially removing one of the greatest obstacles to NATO's health
and well-being. And in a final flourish for the alliance's diamond
jubilee, France agreed to return to the fold, reintegrating into
NATO after 43 years of standoffishness.
But
hold those celebrations. Afghanistan has an uncanny ability to spoil
anybody's best-laid plans. At the April 2009 NATO summit in
Strasbourg, Obama failed to get the troop reinforcements he wanted
from his European allies. The NATO powers, in any case, have
attached so many strings and caveats to the troops they are
supplying -- Germany has kept its soldiers away from the
conflict-ridden south, most contingents have complex rules limiting
combat operations, Canada will be pulling out in 2011 -- that NATO's
mission resembles Gulliver tied down by the Lilliputians.
The
real nail in NATO's coffin, however, has been its stunning lack of
success on the ground. The Taliban has, in fact, not only increased
its hold over large parts of southern Afghanistan, but spread north
as well. Most embarrassingly for NATO, a recent surge of alliance
troops seems only to have made the Taliban stronger. Nearly eight years of alternating
destruction (air bombardment, over 100,000 troops on the ground) and
reconstruction ($38
billion in economic assistance appropriated by the U.S.
Congress since 2001) have all come up desperately short. A new
counterinsurgency campaign doesn't look any more promising. What was
once billed as the most powerful military alliance in history has
been thwarted by an irregular set of militias and guerrilla groups
without the backing of a major power in one of the poorest countries
on Earth.
Worse
yet, the Afghan operation has become a serious political liability
for many NATO members. European politicians fear the kind of
electoral backlash that ousted Britain's Tony Blair and Spain's Jose
Maria Aznar when the Iraq War went south. Despite enthusiasm for
Obama, European public opinion is, by increasingly large margins, in
favor of reducing or withdrawing troops from Afghanistan (55% of
West Europeans and 69% of East Europeans according to a recent German
Marshall Fund poll). Mounting combat fatalities, a rising
civilian casualty count, and devastating snafus like the recent
bombing of two fuel trucks stolen by the Taliban in Kunduz Province
that killed many civilians have only strengthened anti-war feeling.
Meanwhile,
in the United States, both elite and public opinion is turning
against the war. With the American economy still reeling from
recession, President Obama faces a guns-vs-butter
dilemma that threatens to wreck his domestic agenda as
surely as the Vietnam War deep-sixed Lyndon Johnson's Great Society
reforms of the 1960s. No surprise then that the president is
ambivalent about following his top general's request to send yet
more U.S. troops to fight in what the press now calls "Obama's
War."
Not
so long ago, pundits were calling for a global NATO that would expand its power and membership to
include U.S. partners in Asia and elsewhere. This hubris has given
way to despair and discord. Although the United States still holds
out hope for a NATO that focuses on global threats like terrorism
and nuclear proliferation, other alliance members would prefer to
refocus on the traditional mission of defending Europe. Add in
disagreements between the United States and its allies over how to
approach the Afghan situation and NATO begins to look more like a
rugby scrum than a military alliance.
NATO
officials are now scrambling to sort things out, in part by calling
the allies together
to debate a new Afghan strategy before the year ends. Meanwhile,
NATO's Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen is preparing a new "strategic
concept" that would recode the organization's
operating system for the next summit in Lisbon in 2010.
It
might be too little, too late. Some U.S. officials are fed up with
what they consider European dilly-dallying about Afghanistan.
"We have been very much disappointed by the performance of many
if not most of our allies," Robert E. Hunter, the U.S.
ambassador to NATO during the Clinton administration, recently said in testimony before Congress. "Indeed, there
are elements within the U.S. government that are beginning to wonder
about the continued value of the NATO Alliance."
As
for the Europeans, they are building up their own independent
military capabilities -- and will continue to do so whether or not
NATO gets its act together. The question is: Will the Afghan War
eventually push the United States and Europe toward an amicable
divorce? If so, the military campaign that was to give NATO a new
lease on life and turn it into a global military force will have
proven to be its ultimate undoing.
Near-Death
Experiences
This
is NATO's second brush with death since the collective security
organization was founded in 1949 to counter the Soviet Union.
Although it didn't fire a shot during its entire Cold War existence,
NATO did fulfill its mission: to keep the Americans in, the Russians
out, and the Germans down, according to the infamous catechism of
Lord Ismay, NATO's first secretary general.
When
the Cold War ended and the Warsaw Pact vanished, NATO was suddenly
an organization without a mission. During the early 1990s, it cast
around for new portfolios -- environmental work, humanitarian
missions, anything. It needed a raison d'être fast. After
all, the conflict-prevention mission of the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe spoke more directly to the
post-Cold War temperament, and transatlantic publics were eager for
their peace dividends. NATO was seen as a pillar of the old world
order at a time when even President George H.W. Bush seemed prepared
to accept something radically new (though he settled, of course, for
a rough approximation of the status quo ante). Tragedy proved
NATO's salvation. The organization got a second wind when Yugoslavia
disintegrated into warring states and European governments did
little to prevent the bloodletting in the Balkans. The United States
belatedly turned to NATO in 1995 to fly a few bombing missions
against Serbian forces during the Bosnian conflict. Then, in 1999,
responding to fears of Serbian escalation in Kosovo, NATO engaged in
its first-ever war. During the 77-day conflict, the alliance
conducted 38,000 air sorties against Serbian targets that resulted
in considerable "collateral" damage including Serbian
civilians, Albanian refugees, and, famously, the Chinese embassy in
Belgrade. Although no NATO personnel died during these combat
operations, the alliance acquired a reputation as the gang that
couldn't shoot straight.
As
if the Balkans weren't rationale enough, NATO also fell back on an
old directive: to keep Russia out. Eastern Europe's persistent fear
of its former overlord injected new purpose into the organization.
Although Russia's leaders believed that Washington had promised not to expand NATO into
Eastern Europe, the alliance did just that -- and with gusto. First,
it established a kind of alliance halfway house in 1994 that it
dubbed the Partnership for Peace; then, in 1999, NATO accepted the
Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland as members; and five years after
that, it expanded into the former Soviet Union by absorbing the
Baltic states of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia along with Bulgaria,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Russia has, to put it mildly, been
less than thrilled by NATO's eastward leap and then creep.
Meanwhile, wary of Russia's military campaigns in Chechnya, Georgia,
and Moldova as well as its energy power plays against countries to its west, the Eastern
Europeans have eagerly huddled beneath the NATO
"umbrella."
As
it happens, neither the Balkan tragedies nor the putative Russian
threat proved to be unalloyed blessings for the alliance. The Balkan
campaigns created enormous stress
for its military command, and only the brevity of the air war over
Kosovo saved it from popular repudiation across Europe. The
expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe, meanwhile, made consensus
within an already unwieldy institution more difficult.
The
once central focus of NATO -- a commitment to the collective defense
of any member under attack -- was, by now, looking ever less
workable. Western European countries appeared anything but
enthusiastic about the idea of defending the former Soviet bloc
states against a prospective Russian attack. And despite promises to
station troops in Central and Eastern Europe, the United States left
its new NATO allies in the lurch. "While they are loath to say
it publicly, [Central and Eastern European] leaders have told me
that they are no longer certain NATO is capable of coming to their
rescue if there were a crisis involving Russia," wrote Ronald Asmus, former deputy assistant secretary of state
in the Clinton administration. "They no longer believe that the
political solidarity exists or that NATO's creaky machinery would
take the needed steps."
On
the eve of September 11th, a decade after the end of the Cold War,
NATO had become an overstretched alliance with an ill-defined but
expansive mission and a collection of member states increasingly at
odds with each other. When the United States prepared to attack
Afghanistan and then Iraq, the Bush administration simply bypassed
NATO, constructing its own ad hoc coalitions "of the
willing." (Only in 2003 did the Bush administration turn to
NATO to shoulder some of the local burden.) There could have been no
greater vote of no-confidence in the institution.
The
Afghan Test Case
Since
the end of the Cold War, the U.S. troop presence in Europe has been
plummeting. From a Cold War peak of several hundred thousand, it had
dropped to around 44,000 by 2007. Reductions to the 30,000-level or
even lower have
been discussed. With U.S. forces stretched to the limit
elsewhere in the world and U.S. strategists fixated on the energy
heartlands of the Middle East and Central Asia, the European theater
of operations has been (and remains) the obvious place for force
reductions.
Washington
will certainly continue to maintain key military bases in the United
Kingdom, Italy, and Germany and has been setting up new ones in
Bulgaria, Romania, and Kosovo (that just happen to be closer to the
energy resources of Eurasia and the Middle East). Turkey and
possibly the Balkans are slated to become important locations for a
more advanced version of the missile defense system that President
Obama recently canceled for Poland and the Czech Republic, bases
which once figured prominently in the Bush administration's plans
for Europe. In sum, U.S. forces and resources once available to
NATO's European operations have been rapidly dwindling.
At
the same time, in the Bush years Washington chose to push the
alliance to expand beyond its traditional focus on Europe and think
global, focusing on terrorism, piracy, nuclear proliferation, and
other international threats. In this way, the United States imagined
that it might be able to place some of the financial burden for its
own self-appointed global mission on its European allies. The Afghan
War and reconstruction effort, an out-of-area operation with global
significance, was clearly to be the test case for Washington's
version of a new and improved NATO.
On
the other hand, the newest members of the alliance from Eastern and
Central Europe wanted the focus to remain on threats to Europe
itself (that is, to them). They continued to be purely
Russia-focused. The leadership in Poland and the Czech Republic, in
particular, were eager for the recently canceled missile defense
bases not because they particularly believed in, or cared about,
missile defense per se, or feared a future Iranian first
strike, but because they were eager for proof of Washington's
willingness to counter Moscow. For these Europe Firsters,
Afghanistan has been nothing but a distraction from the essential
mission of keeping the Russian bear at arm's length.
This,
then, is the tug of war within NATO: between the Europe First
faction and the Go Global faction. Oddly, both sides appear on the
verge of falling into the mud. Now that the Obama administration is
making nice with Russia, the Europe Firsters don't have a threat to
stand on. For the Go Global faction, meanwhile, victory within NATO
requires victory within Afghanistan, which is why, in 2007, future
AfPak czar Richard Holbrooke declared that "Afghanistan represents the ultimate test
for NATO."
If
Afghanistan is the test, then NATO is flunking. The Taliban has made
a steady comeback since its rout in 2001. More American soldiers, as
well as more soldiers from the other coalition partners, have
already died in 2009 than in any of the previous eight
years. The number of civilian casualties -- 2008 was a record year and 2009 will likely
break that record -- fly in the face of NATO's
"responsibility to protect" guidelines. There aren't anywhere
near the number of troops necessary for an effective
counterinsurgency campaign, if such a thing were even possible in
distant Afghanistan, and what troops are there have proven ill-trained for "hearts and minds" work.
Nor are there sufficient Afghan troops trained, almost eight years after the
initial invasion of that country, to "Afghanize" the NATO
side of the conflict. As for the grander projects of democracy
promotion and nation-building, Afghanistan's rudimentary economy
remains heavily dependent on opium poppy production and its
political system suffers from rampant corruption of which the
irregularities of the most recent presidential election represent
only the tip of the malfeasance.
No
wonder, then, that the Europeans are thinking seriously about how to
get out. After a suicide attack in Kabul killed six Italian
paratroopers in mid-September, for instance, Prime Minister Silvio
Berlusconi announced that "we must bring our boys home as soon as
possible." The war also suddenly became a major issue in
Germany on the eve of national elections when a German commander
called in U.S. air strikes on those two stolen fuel trucks in Kunduz.
The attack, which killed an unknown number of Afghan civilians, has
driven home to the German public that its mission in Afghanistan
qualifies as neither a humanitarian nor a stabilization effort, and
anti-war sentiment is rising accordingly. Moreover, the bombing has
caused an unusual upsurge in bickering between Germany and the United
States over responsibility for the incident and overall strategy.
Just over the summer, the British lost 40 soldiers in the conflict,
and a majority of Britons now want their troops withdrawn right away,
which is likely to mean that the government's reported
decision to send yet another 1,000 troops to Afghanistan
will go down very poorly indeed with the voters.
How
can NATO go global when it can't even pass its first major test in
Afghanistan? "It is of course possible that NATO can survive
Afghanistan even in the absence of total success: it depends on the
extent of its failure," Danish security analysts Jens Ringsmose
and Sten Rynning have written. "What seems certain is that failure in the
Hindu Kush will constitute a serious blow to global NATO."
With
NATO having to downscale, like the rest of us in these recessionary
times, forget the notion that the alliance should mount out-of-area
operations, argues
former U.S. diplomat David T. Jones for the conservative think tank
Foreign Policy Research Institute. "Aggression, terrorism,
piracy, and human rights debacles need be addressed, but NATO is not
the hammer for these nails. The United States needs to be more
discerning about using this stiletto to chop wood. A 'coalition of
the willing' is a tarnished term, but NATO is verging on becoming a
coalition of the unwilling."
"NATO
often seems to be an organization that is permanently in crisis, but
it always seems to bounce back," argues Ian Davis of NATO
Watch. "This is partly because collective defense/security
solutions continue to make sense, not least to: prevent a
renationalization of defense in Europe; to lock-in U.S.
administrations (as far as possible) to multilateral and law-based
approaches; and to provide sufficient security guarantees to enable
nuclear disarmament to proceed, and for likely recessionary
conventional disarmament to take place without causing
instability." But will these workaday goals be enough to keep
the institution afloat?
Fine-Tuning
the Prime Directive
In
2010, NATO will update its prime directive for the first time in a
decade, and the Go Global faction will battle with the Europe
Firsters for the driver's seat. Neither group is likely to gain
enough power within the organization to steer it alone. Undoubtedly,
a compromise will emerge. For instance, Zbigniew Brzezinski, the
former U.S. national security adviser and consummate geopolitician,
argues in a recent Foreign Affairs essay that NATO should focus on building
security relationships with the world. In this scenario, NATO
emerges as more of a grand facilitator than a robust fighting force.
If, on the other hand, Afghanistan truly takes the fight out of
NATO, the more radical proposals of the Citizens
Declaration of Alliance Security, which calls for a more
defensive military posture at lower levels of spending, while
restricting out-of-area operations to U.N.-authorized missions,
might come into play.
All
institutions have a strong survival instinct, if only to continue
providing salaries to their employees. NATO will surely outlive its
strategic planning process, its failures in Afghanistan, and its
adjustment to new global threats. But it may survive in name only.
If it shrinks to the role of grand facilitator or U.N. handmaiden,
it will have effectively ceased to be a transatlantic collective
security organization. The United States will then lean toward ad
hoc coalitions to achieve its military objectives, while Europe
build ups its independent military power.
Initially,
Europe began to beef up its collective military capabilities to
acquire a voice in the international community commensurate with its
economic power, as well as to send a not-so-subtle message to the
unilateralist Bush administration. Today, the European Union
maintains two rapid-deployment battle groups of 1,500 soldiers each
and expects, in the near future, to pull together another 10 or so
battle groups from existing national armies. These forces have
already conducted missions in more than 20 countries. Europe's
military-industrial complex, meanwhile, is trying to push up
military budgets and aggressively market European arms in overseas
markets. All of this still represents a far cry from what NATO
commands, but a signal is certainly being sent: if the United States
thinks it can go it alone -- or simply dragoon the alliance into its
own version of a global mission -- Europe will have options.
Even
at 60, NATO hasn't quite proven that it can live on its own in a
sustainable and responsible manner. Indeed, it is still struggling
with a Hamlet-like identity crisis: to attack or not to attack. The
Afghan war has only underscored this central paradox. If the
alliance doesn't engage in military operations, everyone questions
its ultimate purpose. But if it does go to war -- and the war is
unsuccessful -- everyone questions its ultimate efficacy.
Damned
if it does and damned if it doesn't, NATO will limp along much as
the British and Soviet empires did after their misadventures in
Central Asia. These were, after all, dead empires walking. NATO may
be in this category as well. It just doesn't know it yet.
In
this article, a preview of his coming book, the author draws strong
parallels between the Evangelical Christians and the Holocaust
Jewish religious/political movements.
And
these parallels are most certainly there.
Both
are oriented to gaining political and economic power.
Both
have made extensive use of fictional writings. In the case of the
Evangelical Christians, the Rapture and the Battle of Armageddonwhich are recent inventions (ca 1910) by a Charles Parham Fox
and are not in the Bible. Parham Fox was a convicted thief and child
molester.
Also,
note that none of the Gospels were contemporary with the
purported career of Jesus and in the ensuing centuries, have been
constantly rewritten to suit current political needs. Further, the
mainstay of Evangelical Christians is the so-called ‘Book of
Revelations’ purported to have been written by John the Devine,
Jesus’ most intimate friend. This was certainly not written by
someone living at the time of Jesus’ alleged ministry but over
fifty years later. The actual author was one John of Patmos who was
resident at the Roman lunatic colony located on the island of Patmos.
This particular work is beloved of Evangelicals because it is so
muddled, obscure and bizarre that any meaning can, and is,
attributed to it.
I
refer the reader to “Foundations of Christianity” by Karl
Kautsky (a Jewish German early Communist and secretary to Engels)
The
nationalistic Zionist movement does not have a great body of
historical supportive material so, like the early Christians, they
have simply invented it. These fictions include, but certainly are
not limited to, “The Painted Bird” by Kosinski, (later admitted
by its author to be an invented fraud before his suicide, ) and
“Fragments” by “Binjimin Wilkomersky” ( A Swiss Protestant
named Bruno Dossecker who was born in 1944) that is mostly copied
from the Kosinski book and consists of ‘recovered memory,’ and
of course the highly-propagandized favorite “Anne Frank Diary”
which was proven, beyond a doubt, by the German BKA(Bundes
Kriminal Amt, an official German forensic agency) as a forgery,
made circa 1949 (ball point ink was used on paper made after
1948 and the handwriting completely different from the original
Frank girl’s school papers still extant) All of these frauds have
been, and still are,considered
as seminal truths by the Holocaust supporters and the discovery of
fakery loudly denied by them, and questioners accused of being
‘Nazis.’This
closely parallels the same anger expressed by the Evangelicals when
their stories about the Rapture or the Battle of Armageddon are
questioned by anyone. Here, doubters are accused of being
‘Satanists’ and ‘Secular Humanists.’
I
refer the reader to “The Holocaust Industry” by Norman
Finkelstein, a Jewish academic and the son of genuine survivors of
the German Concentration Camp system.
When
confronted with period and very authentic evidence that the death
toll among Jewish prisoners never approached even a million, or that
there were no gas chambers in use at any prison camp, the standard,
and badly flawed counter argument is that while the accuracy of the
period German documents is not in question, as everyone knows
that 6 millions of Jews perished, therefore the names are on
so-called ‘secret lists.’
When
asked where a researcher could view these documents (the actual
German SS records, complete, are located in the Russian Central
Archives in Moscow) the ludicrous response is that because these
lists are secret, no one has ever seen them! This rationale does not
even bear comment.
The
Christians have their Passion of the Christ, which may or may not
have happened, (it was in direct opposition to Roman law which
governed Judea at the time,) and the Jews have their long agony ofthe Holocaust, which is an elaborate and fictional
construction based on fragmentary facts. A Jewish supporter, Deborah
Lipstadt ( a well-known academic) has said repeatedly that the word
holocaust must be capitalized and can only be used to
discuss the enormous suffering of the Jewish people. The huge
genocidal programs practiced by the Turks against Armenian
Christians in 1916 and the even larger massacres by Pol Pot in
Southeast Asia may never be likened to the absolutely
unique Jewish suffering, according to current Zionist-Holocaust
Jewish dogma.
Both
stress the suffering and death of their icons, in the former case,
the leader of their cult, which initially consisted entirely of very
poor Jews, and in the second, an entire people. Both sides have
enormous public relations machinery in place which is used
constantly to promulgate both faiths and both are hysterically
opposed to any questioning or debate on any aspects of their
faith.
The
issues of suffering, death and prosecution are both used to fortify
their positions in society and render it difficult for anyone to
attack them. These issues are also used to gain political power (for
the Evangelicals) and money (for the Zionist-Holocausters)
Both of these
groups seek a high moral ground from which to attack any questioning
of their faith and because many of the adherents to both beliefs are
aware that their houses are based on sand, fight fiercely lest a
storm arise, beat upon both houses and thereby cause a great fall
(to be Biblical in expression.)
Letter
From the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (J. Edgar
Hoover) to the President’s Special Consultant (Admiral Sidney
Souers)
Rear
Admiral Souers was appointed as the first Director of Central
Intelligence on January
23, 1946 by PresidentHarry
S. Truman. Prior to this, as Deputy Director of Naval
Intelligence, Souers had been one of the architects of the system
that came into being with the President's directive. He had written
the intelligence chapter of the Eberstadt Report, which advocated a unified
intelligence system. Toward the end of 1945, when the competing
plans for a national intelligence system were deadlocked, Souers'
views had come to the attention of the President, and he seems to
have played a role in breaking the impasse
Washington,
July 7, 1950
My
Dear Admiral:
For
some months representatives of the FBI and of the Department of
Justice have been formulating a plan of action for an emergency
situation wherein it would be necessary to apprehend and detain
persons who are potentially dangerous to the internal security of
the country. I thought you would be interested in a brief outline of
the plan.
Action
to Be Taken By the Department of Justice
The
plan envisions four types of emergency situations: (1) attack upon
the United States; (2) threatened invasion; (3) attack upon United
States troops in legally occupied territory; and (4) rebellion.
The
plan contains a prepared document which should be referred to the
President immediately upon the existence of one of the emergency
situations for the President’s signature. Briefly, this
proclamation recites the existence of the emergency situation and
that in order to immediately protect the country against treason,
espionage and sabotage the Attorney General is instructed to
apprehend all individuals potentially dangerous to the internal
security. In order to make effective these apprehensions, the
proclamation suspends the Writ of Habeas Corpus for apprehensions
made pursuant to it. The plan also contains a prepared joint
resolution to be passed by Congress and an Executive Order for the
President which too will validate the previous Presidential
proclamation.
The
next step in the plan is a prepared order from the Attorney General
to the Director of the FBI to apprehend dangerous individuals,
conduct necessary searches and seize contraband as defined in the
plan. Together with the order to the Director of the FBI the
Attorney General will forward a master warrant attached to a list of
names of individuals which names have previously been furnished from
time to time to the Attorney General by the FBI as being individuals
who are potentially dangerous to the internal security.
It
should be pointed out that the plan does not distinguish between
aliens and citizens and both are included in its purview. If for
some reason the full plan is not put into operation it has so been
drawn that the section applicable only to alien enemies may be put
into effect.
Action
to Be Taken By the FBI
For
a long period of time the FBI has been accumulating the names,
identities and activities of individuals found to be potentially
dangerous to the internal security through investigation. These
names have been compiled in an index which index has been kept up to
date. The names in this index are the ones that have been furnished
to the Department of Justice and will be attached to the master
warrant referred to above. This master warrant will, therefore,
serve as legal authority for the FBI to cause the apprehension and
detention of the individuals maintained in this index. The index now
contains approximately twelve thousand individuals, of which
approximately ninety-seven per cent are citizens of the United
States. Immediately upon receipt of instructions and the master
warrant from the Attorney General the various FBI Field Divisions
will be instructed by expeditious means to cause the apprehension of
the individuals within their various territories.
Each
FBI Field Division maintains an index of the individuals within its
territory, which index is so arranged that it may be used for ready
apprehension purposes. Upon apprehension the individuals will be
delivered to the nearest jail for temporary detention and action by
the Attorney General.
Detention
and Subsequent Procedures
The
permanent detention of these individuals will take place in
regularly established Federal detention facilities. These facilities
have been confidentially surveyed and the facilities have been found
to be adequate in all areas except in the territory covered by the
FBI’s New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco Offices. In these
three areas arrangements have been perfected with the National
Military Establishment for the temporary and permanent detention in
Military facilities of the individuals apprehended.
The
plan calls for a statement of charges to be served on each detainee
and a hearing be afforded the individual within a specified period.
The Hearing Board will consist of three members to be appointed by
the Attorney General composed of one Judge of the United States or
State Court and two citizens. The hearing procedure will give the
detainee an opportunity to know why he is being detained and permit
him to introduce material in the nature of evidence in his own
behalf.
The
hearing procedure will not be bound by the rules of evidence. The
Hearing Board may make one of three recommendations, that is; that
the individual be detained, paroled or released. This action by the
Board is subject to review by the Attorney General and the Attorney
General’s decision on the matter will be final except for appeal
to the President.
The
details of this plan as set forth in this communication have also
been furnished on this date to Mr. James S. Lay, Jr., Executive
Secretary, National Security Council.
With
expressions of my highest esteem and best regards,